Tuesday, August 23, 2011

Direct and Indirect Benefits of Tackling the Black Economy

Direct and Indirect Benefits of Tackling the Black Economy
Arun Kumar
CESP, SSS, JNU
The Hindu, August 20, 2011.

Anna Hazare’s indefinite fast for the acceptance of the Jan Lok Pal Bill, his arrest from home and the widespread mass protest in urban India has shaken the government. Political parties have woken up to the depth of feeling in the country against corruption. Two things have come together - fight for the Jan Lokpal Bill and the violation of civil rights of the citizens to protest. The protest snowballing in the country is seen as against corruption. Obviously, the public are fed up with the day to day harassment they face. To put it in perspective, it is important to understand the benefits to society of tackling the huge black economy in the country.
Some argue that the black economy also generates jobs and production. For instance, they argue that a lot of goods are bought in the market from the black incomes and that leads to increase in production and employment. They argue that the black economy generates informal sector employment and helps the poor. Some go to the extent of arguing that India escaped the worst effects of the global recession in 2008 and the economy only slowed down because of the large amount of black money floating around which generated additional demand. Some justify bribes as speed money that enables work to be done faster. There is some truth in all this and yet, it can be shown that the ill effects of the black economy far outweigh its beneficial effects.
Think of bribe as speed money. To extract a bribe, the bureaucracy first slows down work and harasses the public. If work was automatically done, why would any one bribe. Thus, the system has to be made inefficient so that those who can afford to pay can get their work done quickly but the rest continue to suffer. Administration becomes run down since rather than devising ways of working efficiently, it is busy thinking of ways of making money by setting up roadblocks to efficient functioning. This has spawned a culture of `middle men’ and personal approach to officers. Things hardly happen in the routine manner and without personal appearance. The middleman is needed by the corrupt to insulate themselves from direct public contact lest someone reports them.  The bribe giver also not knowing how much to bribe and how to contact the administrator in-charge finds it convenient.
Much of the black economy in India is like `digging holes and filling them’. That is, one digs a hole during the day and then another fills it up at night, the next day, there is zero output but two salaries are paid. This is `activity without productivity’. An example is of poorly made roads that get washed away or become pot holed with every rain and need repeated repairs. Thus, instead of new roads coming up much of the budget is spent on maintenance. Teachers may not teach properly in class so that students have to take tuition. Families not only have to pay extra, the students find learning insipid and lose interest and this effects their creativity and the future.
Consider how millions of litigants, their families/friends and lawyers arrive daily in the courts and in most cases the hearing lasts a few minutes and the next date, months away, is announced and they go back home. Not only justice is delayed inordinately, consider the time lost and expense incurred in lawyers fees, travel and in taking leave from work and so on. This goes on since cases that could be resolved in a few months go on for years multiplying the costs. The expense of delayed justice is both direct and indirect. Delay is often a result of the impact of the black economy. Honest people who lose hope start resorting to other means which dents the notion of social justice and weakens society. This cost cannot be calculated in monetary terms but is significant.
Because of the growing black economy, policies fail both at macro and micro levels. Planning or monetary policy or fiscal policies do not achieve the desired results due to the existence of a substantial black economy. Targets for education, health, drinking water and so on are not achieved because `expenditures do not mean outcomes’. The economy does not lack the resources but it faces resource shortage. Much investment goes into wasteful/ unproductive channels, like, holding gold or real estate or abroad through flight of capital. This lowers the employment potential and the level of output in the economy. Capital sent abroad does not generate output in India but does so where it goes. A country that is considered capital short has been exporting capital. A nation that gives concessions to MNCs to bring in capital loses more capital than it gets and that too at a high cost from FIIs or as FDI. Our policies are open to the dictates of international capital because our businessmen and politicians have taken capital out in large doses since independence. Costs are huge.
The direct and indirect costs are of policy failures, unproductive investments, slower development, higher inequity, environmental destruction and lower rate of growth of the economy than it could potentially have been. According to this author’s estimates, we could have been growing faster by about 5% since the Seventies if we did not have the black economy. Consequently, we could have been a $8 trillion economy and the second largest in the world. The per capita income could have been seven times larger so that we would have been a middle income country and not one of the poorest. A huge cost.
The black economy also leads to `the usual becomes the unusual and the unusual the usual’. That which should happen does not and that which should not keeps happening. We should get 220 volts electricity but we mostly get 170 volts or 270 volts and equipment burns out so all expensive gadgets need voltage stabilizers resulting in higher capital costs and maintenance costs rise. Water in taps should be potable but it is of uneven quality because the pipes are not properly laid and sewage seeps in. Thus, we carry water bottles, use purifiers and boil water at great extra cost. Even then, we fall ill since how much can we escape the problem. 70% of all disease in India is related to water so that we spend extra on hospitalization and treatment and then there is the associated loss of productivity; the poor are particularly the victims of this.
Hospitalization can be traumatic because of the large scale callousness there. Public hospitals there crowded and doctors over worked. Due to unhygienic conditions, patients can get secondary infection or the attendants can fall sick. In private hospitals the patient is not sure whether unnecessary tests are being done and whether the consultants coming to see them at all needed. Even after all this, cure is not assured because the drugs maybe spurious or the IV fluid contaminated and so on. The poor suffer from the presence of large number of quacks in the market who give injections or steroids or overdose of antibiotics. It is the strength of the human constitution that in spite of these adversities, many get cured.
The result of all this is that costs everywhere are higher than they need be raising the rate of inflation. If capital is over invoiced by businesses to make money the cost of setting up industry is higher. If poor quality grain is sold in PDS, the price is higher. If tuition is needed for children because of poor teaching, the family’s cost is higher and so on.
At the social level, the cost is a loss of faith in society and its functioning. Hence many are now atomized seeking individual solutions and discount societal processes. At the political level there is fragmentation with states demanding their own package because the belief that the nation as a whole can deliver has been dented. The demand for smallerer states is a corollary because the bigger states neglect the less vocal regions. Each caste, community and region now wants to have its own party to represent its narrow interest leading to the proliferation of smaller parties. Can the cost of this fragmentation and loss of the national spirit be calculated?
New movements for a strong Lokpal, Right to education, to food and to information are likely to recreate a common national ethos that is so necessary and which may generate the political will to tackle the hugely expensive black economy – the fight for one is the fight for the other also.

Monday, August 1, 2011

The dangers of redefining democracy

The dangers of redefining democracy
Arun Kumar
CESP, SSS, JNU.
The Hindu, July 29, 2011

We have creatively redefined national interest, representation, democracy and corruption to the benefit of vested interests.
If bribe-giving is legalised, some have suggested, the vexed problem of corruption facing the government would be less severe. Some powerful voices from within and outside the government have even argued for this. The argument is in line with the theoretical case that corruption and smuggling improve economic efficiency. Such redefining of words is not an isolated activity today.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh indulged in it at a recent meeting with newspaper editors. On the Lokpal bill, he said he personally favoured the Prime Minister coming under its purview but added that his Cabinet colleagues were against it — prevarication at its best.
Dr. Singh has acted decisively on issues close to his heart like the India-U.S. civil nuclear deal, which he pushed through in spite of the threat to his government and disquiet among many. Clearly, for him, the Prime Minister coming within the Lokpal's purview is not of much importance. It is consistent with his view that corruption is not as endemic as is being made out by the media and the Opposition, and that it is largely their creation. He also pleaded for moderating the campaign against corruption on the plea that it is spoiling our international image.
His argument that decision-makers act ex-ante, in uncertainty and without full information, must be music to the ears of wrong-doers. He clarified that in hindsight, one can be wiser about the mistakes committed. The sub-text is that inappropriate decisions are not deliberate, but genuine errors of judgment — an alibi for corrupt elements.
As a general proposition, the argument can hardly be faulted. But is it also true in specific cases? In the 2G spectrum allocation case, the CBI, under the Supreme Court's directions, has unearthed blatant wrongdoing. Giving a very short notice to file bids and, that too, a few hours, for instance. Without advance knowledge, a bid could not have been filed. Why did some of the licences go to those who had no experience in the field? None of this had anything to do with uncertainty.
Dr. Singh also argued that he could not be expected to look into details pertaining to each Ministry and that he was not an expert on all matters. But he has a string of agencies and experts at his beck and call. Why was their advice not sought? Especially, when the wrongdoings pertaining to the 2G case were immediately pointed to in 2008? The implication is that the system failed. Is someone accountable for the failure? In the Commonwealth Games scam, there was blatant loot in contracts and purchase of exercise machines and toilet paper rolls. None of this had anything to do with uncertainty or ex-ante nature of decisions or lack of expertise. Has the Prime Minister shifted ground — from his ‘coalition compulsions' argument to giving technical explanations for his silence and inaction?
If Dr. Singh's line of argument is to be accepted, from now on, no one need take responsibility or be accountable as mistakes can be said to be unintended or due to a lack of expertise. Further, one ought not refer to widespread wrongdoing lest it spoil the international image. The Prime Minister, a clever academic, has distorted the meaning of words such as “accountability” and “corruption.”
Changing the meaning of words like “accountability” will damage the system. Rule of law, social justice, good governance and building a civilised society depend on it. Similarly, when terms like “democracy,” “people's representation” and “justice” lose much of their content, democratic institutions decline. Thus the nation needs an institution like Lokpal to bring about accountability.
The government has decided to aggressively stall a stricter Lokpal bill. To be fair, arguments for leaving the Prime Minister and the higher judiciary out of the Lokpal's purview have been advanced by other respected persons too. Their argument is that the inclusion of the Prime Minster and the judiciary will undermine their independent functioning and prevent them from taking tough decisions for fear of being incorrect and inviting challenges. Logically, then, they should not come under scrutiny even after they demit office because even that could deter them from taking decisions. In other words, no accountability should be demanded of the Prime Minister.
Further, it is argued that in a democracy, the Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament. So, any wrongdoing by him would automatically be checked by the Opposition (enforcing accountability). It is also stated that the Lokpal, an agency external to the parliamentary system, will undermine Parliament. It is also feared that frivolous charges could be brought against the Prime Minister, given the nature of fractious politics. Every time a charge is levelled, there would be a demand for the Prime Minister's resignation and she/he would be immobilised.
All this begs the question: why is there a strong demand for bringing the Prime Minister within the Lokpal's purview? Why has Parliament failed to make the Prime Minister accountable? In the last 40 years, many Prime Ministers have been suspected of wrongdoing. Same is the case with many Chief Ministers, Ministers, Chief Justices and the higher judiciary. The existing institutional structure has patently failed to make these high functionaries accountable.
Further, due to corruption, justice is either miscarried or delayed (barring a few high-profile cases). There is a widespread feeling of lack of social justice. The political leadership and the top judiciary are seen to have failed the people in spite of the checks and balances a democracy is supposed to provide. Their credibility has been eroded, leading to the demand that they be made accountable in newer ways — outside the present democratic framework.
In brief, ‘democracy' is being given as the reason for not bringing the nation's highest functionaries within the Lokpal's ambit. The counter-argument is: because ‘democracy' has been twisted out of shape, there is a need for newer ways to re-energise it by, say, an independent Lokpal. Of course, it goes without saying that even the Lokpal may eventually get subverted since there can neither be a magic wand nor a perfect law to deal with social problems.
It is also argued that NGOs and civil society groups are not people's representatives — at best, they represent small groups. The legislators, on the other hand, are people's representatives. This view also emerged in the all-party meeting on the Lokpal bill. While formally this is true, the reality is that ‘representation' has lost much of its meaning. Does anyone represent people's interests today? Members of civil society groups and NGOs who have stood for elections have mostly lost. So the politicians are right in saying they represent only small groups. But this is not the whole truth.
The way the government initially caved in to the demands of civil society groups suggests that it panicked because these groups captured the popular sentiment of that section — the middle class — which has provided the government its legitimacy. The media, by playing up the issue, aggravated matters.
The government's flip-flop on the issue in the last few months ought to clarify whose interest it serves — citizens, the elite or vested interests. While workers' movements (big and small) have been routinely ignored by the government or dealt with a heavy hand, it responded to the middle class protests. With a scam a week surfacing in the last few years, the illusion of the middle class that the government represents its interests stood shattered, which is why the government initially reacted the way it did. As soon as it devised ways of confusing the middle class, it backtracked.
Revelations in the phone hacking investigations in the U.K. have brought out the nexus among the power elite and the erosion of accountability in the mother of democracy. In India, we are way ahead and have creatively redefined national interest, representation, democracy and corruption to the benefit of the vested interests.

 arunkumar1000@hotmail.com