Monday, December 19, 2011

Bureaucratisation comes to JNU

Bureaucratisation comes to JNU

Arun Kumar
CESP/SSS, JNU.
The Hindu, December 17, 2011.

JNU, one of the few Indian institutions of higher education resisting bureaucratization is on the verge of giving up. Its Academic Council has recently approved the implementation of the UGC dictated points based system of evaluation for faculty recruitment and promotions. Why is the UGC imposing such a system on the universities?
There is talk of reaping the demographic dividend of India’s young population given that the developed world has a rapidly aging population. Trade in Education under WTO is seen to give a natural advantage to India with its young and English speaking population. To realize these goals, MHRD and UGC obviously believe that the changes they are imposing on the universities are necessary.
Another strand of this strategy is to encourage foreign institutions and the Indian private sector to set up educational institutions to improve educational standards. It is argued that the prevailing standards in most existing (largely public sector) institutions are poor and that they lack the resources to rectify the problem. In this context, financing of higher education is crucial but that needs another piece.
Globalization today involves a race for knowledge generation. Whether it is software, nano technology, manufacturing technologies, climate change, trade negotiations or financial institutions and so on, one who generates better ideas would dominate in the world. Higher education which is expected to generate ideas then becomes crucial and perhaps this is more important than reaping the demographic dividend.
While enrollment in higher education has increased, quality is a concern. Only a handful of institutions produce world class talent which the press plays up every year by highlighting the six figure salary offers they get. At the cutting edge, we have a shortage of manpower because we produce little of it and also most of it is lost through brain drain. Many bright students also leave the country because they are unable to get admission to good institutions.
The need for high quality institutions is obvious. MHRD is trying to replicate the success of elite institutions, like, Central Universities, AIIMS, IITs and IIMs by setting up more of them. In addition, new private institutions in professional disciplines have emerged, like in, medicine, engineering and management. But can buildings turn into institutions of excellence so mechanically?
Premiere institutions face a 30% shortage of faculty. With the opening up of more of them, the shortage has only spread, threatening the standards in the existing institutions. In many private institutions and open universities quality of faculty recruited is indifferent, resulting in poor quality of teaching. Institutions that would hardly be accepted as universities in any country have come up as Deemed Universities.
There are reports of corruption in setting up many of the private institutions. They not only charge high fees, they also extort capitation fees. At times, these institutions are set up to buy real estate at concessional prices and make a quick buck. To get recognition, apparently the officials from the regulatory authority (UGC or AICTE) are bribed - no wonder some of the heads of these bodies have been accused of corruption.
Higher education passes knowledge from one generation to the next and can help society advance by generating new knowledge. The former enables routine tasks to be carried out while the latter equips society to move beyond its present stage and to meet emerging challenges. Copying ideas from the developed world is often inappropriate since they may not be relevant for our stage of development. The two roles require imparting high quality training to students which in turn necessitates high quality faculty. Mr. Jairam Ramesh suggested that the IITs, the most elite institutions in the country, lack world class faculty and he was attacked all around. Not that he was wrong but he hurt the sense of false national pride of many.
Quantity is important but by itself it cannot ensure quality since that requires special efforts. A hundred indifferent lectures can only kill the interest of the students while one inspired lecture can ignite a spark, make learning fun. It is that which motivates academics to become good teachers and high quality researchers - not bureaucratic fiat.
Unfortunately, many of the academics produced by our present system have themselves hardly understood their subject. They dictate notes in class, killing the interest of students. Often, education is less about learning and more a burden which has to be endured to obtain a degree to get a job. Examinations largely test a student’s capacity to reproduce mugged up notes and not the knowledge acquired. The emergence of `Kota schools’ and coaching institutes that train students mechanically is a natural corollary. No wonder, book shops around the universities largely stock mug books for competitive examinations – medical, engineering, civil services, banking and so on.
Authorities are aware of these deficiencies but they lack the understanding of what higher education needs. UGC has introduced one scheme after another, often at the instance of the Pay Commissions. Like, the Mehrotra Committee in 1986 suggested the creation of Academic Staff Colleges to train teachers – to upgrade skills. Since then, promotion of Assistant Professors under Career Advancement has been contingent on attending these colleges. To promote research, academics with M.Phil. and Ph.D. degrees are given increments in pay. To make faculty work harder, hierarchy in academia has been increased so that academics face a selection committee more often. NET examination was introduced to ensure minimum standards amongst teachers in higher education.
These schemes involving huge expenditures have hardly impacted quality leading to the current state of affairs. Rather than understand that the failure of these schemes is in-built since they are divorced from the needs of higher education, the bureaucrats governing higher education have gone for more of the same. Disinterested `academics’ have found ways of beating the system. Today there is a flood of M.Phil. and Ph.D. and NET qualified students without improvement in quality. Academics go through Academic Staff Colleges but with little impact on skills. The reason is that none of these measures ignite the desire to learn. One can take the horse to water but cannot force it to drink.
Now, the UGC, in an attempt to improve the quality of faculty, is enforcing a bureaucratized system of evaluation of faculty, under `UGC 2010 Regulations’, based on a numerical system of indexing merit (API). It would lead to `paper chase’. How many papers or books written, conferences attended, projects completed and so on? All these can be churned out in large numbers with little originality and that will help indifferent academics accumulate points. Already, there is a mushrooming of `refereed journals’, national seminars and publishers who charge money to print books. High quality research requires years to produce and in the new system this would get few points. Producing critiques that challenge authority opening new vistas are not easy to publish and hence would be considered worthless under the new rules. The quantum of work done by an academic is important only to the extent of its quality.
Education is not like a normal homogenized product, like, soaps or same size shiny red tomatoes. An institution of higher education is not like a factory or an office where time and motion study can be used to measure productivity. In fact, there is a need to let a hundred flowers bloom and celebrate dissent as the essence of higher education. Unfortunately, to the education bureaucracy (often including academics) this is anathema.
The short sightedness being displayed by the UGC and to which the academic leadership is succumbing is the result of both poverty of thought and insecurity. Army generals, civil servants and net-workers are often appointed to the top positions in educational institutions not because of their academic quality but due to their closeness either to those in power or to the moneyed. The objective function of such people is to serve the interest of their benefactors rather than that of the academic body or society in general. Hence their focus becomes smooth management rather than cultivation of an environment to encourage knowledge generation. With the recent AC decision, JNU is sliding down this path and caving in to adopt bureaucratized standards of performance. Its academics are failing to stand up to the bureaucratization being imposed by the UGC. A University, expected to give a lead to other institutions is letting down both itself and the nation.
In brief, the bureaucratized UGC while ostensibly promoting excellence has been systematically undermining it for long since it thinks standards can be achieved through standardization little realizing that often the latter is the anti-thesis of the former.
arunkumar1000@hotmail.com

Friday, October 7, 2011

Income Distribution and Economic Growth: A Macroeconomic Perspective with Reference to India

Income Distribution and Economic Growth: A Macroeconomic Perspective with Reference to India
Arun Kumar
CESP/SSS, JNU. 

I.          THE EMERGING GLOBAL CRISIS in 2011
The rich in many European nations have asked their governments to tax them more. This follows the call made by Warren Buffet in the United States that the rich should pay more taxes. The motive is self-interest: to save their economies from sliding further and going into a double-dip recession, and preventing the kind of youth violence that has been witnessed in many countries in Europe. The recession looming on the horizon (if the world is not already in it) will be more difficult to deal with than in the earlier rounds since this time the cause is political rather than financial, as the case was with the global recession that started in late 2007.
In 2007-08, the experts and the analysts were ‘behind the curve' and in a state of denial about the start of the recession. The International Monetary Fund did not acknowledge the recession till late 2008, almost a year after it had started. Ben Bernanke, the head of the U.S. Federal Reserve, only admitted problems in February 2008 when the first stimulus tranche of $160 billion was announced. The U.S. Treasury Secretary did not admit of basic problems in the financial sector even in July 2008 when Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae faced imminent collapse.
Globally, governments boosted demand following the Keynesian device of creating deficits. The U.S. budget deficit went from 3 per cent of GDP to 12 per cent. The same thing happened in India. China provided a $600-billion infrastructure boost. Japan and much of Europe went in for budget deficits to boost demand in their economies. Nonetheless, unemployment rose sharply everywhere. In the U.S., it reached the level of 9.6 per cent. In India, exports which were growing at 35 per cent started plummeting at 35 per cent, leading to large-scale unemployment in labour-intensive sectors such as textiles, gem and jewellery and leather goods. Many industries and services such as transport, finance and real estate went into a tailspin.
The reason for the anemic recovery was that the stimulus was nowhere as big as was needed to boost employment and revive economies in a strong manner. So, when the big economies started climbing out of the recession in early-2010, employment hardly rose in the major economies.
Politics entered the picture globally soon thereafter. The conservatives started pushing the neo-classical paradigm of tax cuts for the rich and balancing the budget. The anemic recovery was used as an excuse to argue that the Keynesian prescription to boost the economy does not work. The implication of the conservatives' programme of cutting taxes on the rich leads to a decline in tax revenue so that the deficit tends to grow. But since the budget has to be balanced, expenditures have to be curtailed — the opposite of what the economy needs. In Britain, the new Conservative government cut back the budget and reduced public sector employment by half a million.
In the U.S., after the Democrats' big losses in the 2010 elections, President Barack Obama could not push his expenditure programme and had to reach a compromise with the Republicans. At the beginning of August 2011, the U.S. government almost came to a grinding halt due to the logjam between the two political forces. This left the markets in panic.
The world economy faces a deep crisis for political reasons. This is not palatable to the conservatives, who once again have a grip on power in the major economies of the world. India is no exception to this conservative mood with the government talking about balancing the budget in stages.

II.        DEFICIENCY OF DEMAND AND CYCLES IN CAPITALIST ECONOMIES
Kalecki (1971) showed why demand in a capitalist economy would be short in the normal course. He argued that capitalists are atomistic decision makers so that their decisions to invest would not automatically equal the full employment level of investment. He critiques Luxemburg’s argument that exports can help overcome demand deficiency by providing an additional market to the capitalists. Further, he negates Baranovski’s argument that investment in machines for the sake of machines can generate demand and help overcome demand deficiency. Kalecki argued that the external market is not exports but export surplus and further that investment in machines cannot increase endlessly.
He showed that growth impulses for a capitalist economy are Investment, export surplus and government deficit. Out of these, the first is limited globally by the atomistic decision making of investors and lack of coordination in the world to achieve full employment level of investment. Regarding the export surplus, one country’s surplus will be another’s deficit so the world as a whole cannot have a surplus. Thus, globally there cannot be a surplus and no stimulus from trade is feasible. However, every government can have a deficit in the budget and each economy can work to increase its demand. In open economies, demand will tend to leak to others but everyone can gain together.
This above prescription from Kalecki is not to the liking of the capitalists since they do not like full employment (Kalecki, 1971). He points out that because of this, economies now go through political business cycles and not the earlier kind of business cycles. The capitalists do not like govt. intervention because it is seen to have anti-capital implications. Hence the neo-classical orthodoxy suggests that the state should withdraw from the economy. This underlies the Washington Consensus since the eighties and has been in operation India since the launch of the New Economic Policies (NEP) in 1991.

II.1       Reaganism and Thacherism in the World since Late Seventies, Washington Consensus and Deepening Marketization
The world has been globalizing for a long time but its form keeps changing from time to time. It has been following a one-way pattern since the beginning of colonization in 1750 (Kumar, 2001). Most influences have been going in one direction – from the West to the current developing world. This one-way globalization has also gone through different phases. The latest one beginning with Mrs. Thacher’s rule in UK from the late seventies and Mr. Reagan’s Presidentship from 1980. They have pushed the world in the direction of marketization. The global institutions of economic governance, like, the IMF and the World Bank, have toed this line.
This was also possible because of the global strategic changes with the weakening of the USSR since the mid seventies and the 180 degree turn in economic policies in China after Mao’s departure. The changes were also visible in the negotiating stance of the advanced capitalist countries in the then GATT. They started pushing the developing world from the early eighties to agree to the new issues – trade in agriculture, trade in services, TRIPS, TRIMS and so on. They succeeded in the Uruguay Round of negotiations in 1986 in introducing these issues in GATT negotiations and managed to change GATT to WTO in 1995 with all the new issues as a part and parcel of the new organization.
In other significant change developing countries used to receive from the developed world `Aid’ at concessional terms. The underlying idea was to help them to `develop’. From the early nineties, this changed to capital flows at market related interest rates. The developing countries had to attract capital by offering onerous terms and concessions. Focus now shifted to FDI and FII flows and domination of MNCs.
The idea of marketization is not just economic but also social. It has resulted in the penetration of the market philosophy into social and political institutions also. People have been turned into `homo-economicus’ – solely determined by economic considerations of gains and losses. Their social and political aspects of existence have become immaterial. They are taken to be rational being maximizing their gains. Whether it is marriage or raising children it is all taken to be motivated by individual gains.
Under this philosophy, economic growth is the growth of human activity whether associated with human welfare or not. It has led nations to adopt the philosophy of `growth at any cost’. The entire burden of such blind growth mania has fallen on the environment and the marginalized sections of society who have little say in the market. With this philosophy, distribution hardly matters and inequalities have dramatically increased in the world - in each country and across groups of countries, like, in the US, India and China. Investment is being recklessly carried on for the sake of investment without taking into account the long run. The limitations of this strategy for long term growth, due to its consequences for social welfare and growing social and political instabilities appears to be no one’s concern today.

II.2.      Distribution, Inequality and Growth
As argued in Section II.1 above, since the seventies, distribution of incomes is not a consideration and there is rising inequality. This impacts consumption since the rich consume a much smaller proportion of their incomes than the poor do. Consequently, the consumption propensity declines. This results in a tendency for deficiency of demand within the economy. The economy would then slow down unless some external demand is generated like in exports or through investments as discussed in Section II above.
This has been visible in the case of say Japan and China. Their savings rate has risen dramatically and they have had to depend on export markets and rapid increase in investments fore maintaining growth. But, the large export surpluses of both these countries have led to large national and international imbalances and instabilities. Hence this kind of strategy has limitations and cannot be a long term strategy of growth.

II.3.      Free Trade, growing disparities and impact on Demand in world economy
The global economy has come under the WTO regime since January 1, 1995. As a result, competition amongst developing countries has increased for selling low and intermediate technology goods in the international markets. The advanced countries maintain there monopoly over advanced technology goods and control its prices. But, the developing countries competing with each other have lowered the prices of the goods they sell. Thus, terms of trade have shifted against the developing countries and in favour of the advanced countries.
To maintain low prices, the developing countries have held back wages of workers. The position of workers has weakened globally as international competition has enabled capital to gain an upper hand. But the weakening has been even greater in the developing world. Labour has lost many of its rights it had gained through struggles since the Second World War. For instance, in India, courts have reversed some of the earlier judgments which had granted workers rights. Currently, in the call centers and BPO sector, even trade unions are not allowed.
 These two global trends are aggravating income disparities across countries and within each country aggravating disparities between capital and workers. As argued above, this is resulting in a tendency for deficiency of demand globally.

II.4.      Black Economy, Global Illegal Flows and Inequality
Another important factor for the rising inequalities globally is the growth of the black economy in various countries and especially in the developing economies. Typically, the black economy is concentrated in the hands of the already rich, the profit earners who try to increase their incomes by illegal means. They share a fraction of this with the other elite sections of society, like, the politicians, the bureaucracy, the police and the judiciary. This is at the expense of the marginalized sections of the population who are the majority in the developing countries. Further, as illegality has increased in the developing world, the size of the black economy has been growing. The effect of the growing black economy leads to aggravation of inequality within countries and also across countries.
Globally, black incomes earners are using tax havens to both take their capital out of their national territories as well as round trip it back to their countries. The tax havens are also used by the corporate sector to siphon profits out of the developing countries via transfer pricing or under and over invoicing of exports and imports.
In India, the black economy has rapidly increased and now amounts to about 50% of GDP. It is concentrated in the hands of at most 3% of the population (Kumar, 1999). Thus, as the black economy has grown the income gap between the top 3% in the income ladder and the rest has grown rapidly.
The result of the growing black economy is to aggravate demand problem both nationally and globally (Kumar, 2009).

III.       INCREASING GLOBAL INSTABILITY SINCE THE SEVENTIES
Globally income distribution has deteriorated in the last forty years. Paradoxically, some countries, like, China and NIC have grown rapidly – narrowing the gap with the rich countries that have grown relatively slowly in this period. So, across nations disparities may show reduction but within each nation, disparities seem to have risen – within the US, China, India, Europe, etc. Thus, disparities between the elite and non-elite globally appear to be growing.
This seems to be creating a global tendency for shortage of demand. While for individual countries, exports may generate additional demand (as for China) for the world as a whole exports cannot counter the demand deficiency since there cannot be a global trade surplus.
The tendency for global demand deficiency is countered by rising levels of investments in Asian economies and the growing levels of consumption in the largest economy – USA.
The USA has shown declining levels of savings since the mid-eighties. Its consumption levels have been driven by the wealth effect based on asset price rise. Stock markets and other markets have shown a rise with the result that the paper wealth has increased and the rich and the middle classes have been spurred into increasing levels of consumption. Consumption has also been spurred by rising availability of consumer loans. This has fuelled demand in the rest of the world. Under Reagan, the USA went in for massive increase in military expenditure and that also spurred a budget deficit and global demand.
The result is that savings and investments rates have risen in Japan, China, NIC and India while they have fallen in the USA. So, there have been current account surpluses in China, Japan and NIC while there has been a deficit in USA and other countries. In effect, the world has polarized between the savers and consumers.

III.1.    Dollarization, Demand in the World Economy and Uncertainty
How has this global imbalance been sustained since the eighties? This was made possible by the dollarization of the world economy. People all over the world were willing to hold dollars and treasury bonds. So, the deficit in the US current account and in the budget could be sustained by the return flow of capital from the surplus countries. Bulk of the rising reserves of China and Japan were in US treasury bills.
The outflow of dollars from the USA to Russia, Central Asian Republics, Latin America was possible because it was seen to be stable. Savings in these countries were held in dollars as a safe currency. Thus, the dollar became like the reserve currency – a safe currency that the rest of the world was willing to hold. Thus, the US could pay for its excess imports by paying with dollars. No other country in the world could do this.
This circular flow of dollars in the world allowed the largest economy to sustain a rising level of consumption which led to leakages of demand to the rest of the world. This led to a boost of demand in the world and also to rising investments in the export surplus economies further boosting demand.
As already pointed out, demand globally was also fuelled by the rising asset prices – of stocks, real estate and other financial instruments. These paper gains meant that people felt they were richer and spent more. However, the rise in asset prices is like a bubble.
In brief, two kinds of instabilities were building up in the world economy – the global savings-investments imbalance amongst nations and the creation of the asset bubble. Both these imbalances were unsustainable over the long run. For instance, rising exports of China and Japan could only be sustained if their currency remained undervalued in relation to the dollar. Their rising reserves were not allowed to increase the value of their currency by appropriate interventions.
The rising amount of dollars held abroad and the rising level of US treasury holdings by foreign entities was only feasible as long as the others had faith in the US economy and the currency retained its characteristic of being a reserve currency. Similarly, the rising asset bubble could only be sustained by its continued rise and reinvestment of the profits made in such speculation back into the same assets. This became an increasingly unstable system over time and finally the bubble burst (for an analysis of this see Kumar, 2009). Of course, as pointed out, there were other inter-linked reasons as well, like, sub-prime crisis and commodity speculation but all these were also linked to the global imbalance and growing disparity across the globe.

III.2.    New Demand Problems since 2008
The crisis of 2008 has changed the above global macroeconomics. With decline in asset prices, rising unemployment and financial crisis, share of consumption in the US has declined. With rising unutilized capacity in industry, investment also declined and finally, crisis in the financial sector meant that loans were not being given so that small businesses have found it difficult to operate. The government did increase its deficit from 3% of GDP to 12% of GDP. The Central Bank provided massive infusion of liquidity to shore up the financial markets and cut interest rates to almost zero to stimulate investments but nothing worked. It was as if the economy had entered a liquidity trap. Thus, the major source of world demand in the world fell.
The world over, this pattern was repeated – in Euro zone, Japan, Britain, China and India. Demand declined in spite of the massive interventions by the Central banks and the increased deficits by governments. Nations like, China and Japan which had strong export surpluses faced decline in exports and in surpluses and this slowed down their economies further.
However, the stimulus no where was as strong as needed because there is a conservative streak of thinking about deficits and stimulus. Krugman has been a proponent of a strong stimulus (Krugman, 2009). In the US, the increase in the government stimulus has been counter balanced by the rise in savings of the households. Thus, a stronger government stimulus was needed. However, under the pressure of the Republicans and the Tea party, the US President has failed to provide a larger package. The stagnant US consumption has led to global demand problems.
The Euro zone has had its own crisis of sovereign debt and a conservative mood based on the poor performance of the economies of Europe. Thus, austerity measures have been imposed to bring the debt ridden and supposedly profligate economies into balance. This is further slowing demand and added to this is the fear of sovereign default. In brief, there is a vicious cycle of slowing demand and growing global crisis leading to the fears of double dip recession taking hold.
Major countries facing crisis are likely to go protectionist since consensus is eluding them. Further, with rising fears of debt default, the financial sector is facing a another crisis. In this context, the Asian economies, to protect their interest, may have to depend on generating internal demand.

IV.       THE INDIAN CONTEXT
The Indian economy started to open itself strongly with the New Economic Policies (NEP) launched in 1991. While its exports and imports as a per cent of GDP in 1991 were around 7% (roughly the figures for the USA, Japan and China) now these numbe4rs have risen to about 20%.
NEP led to a paradigm change in policies. While earlier the collective was taken to be responsible for the problems of the individuals (like, poverty, illiteracy, health and unemployment), now the individual is held responsible for her/his problems and the state has retreated. The market has taken over from the state and is playing a leading role in the growth process. This has meant giving concessions to capital and ignoring the distributional consequences of policies.
In the nineties, after NEP were launched, the economic growth rate remained at roughly the same level as in the eighties (Graph 1 shows that the decadal rate of growth was unchanged), there  has been a growing sectoral imbalance with growth dependent on the services sector whose share has risen to more than 60% of GDP. This imbalance has been based on the relatively slow rate of growth of agriculture and a rapid rate of growth of the services sector. This is the source of rising disparities in the economy.
While agriculture still employs more than 50% of the work force, its GDP share is only 17%. While the Services sector employs 30% of the work force it contributes more than 60% of the GDP. Thus, those in agriculture are the majority but marginalized in national income. Since agriculture is concentrated in rural areas and services in the urban areas, this disparity is leading to a growing urban-rural divide. Further, since the backward states are predominantly agricultural, they are lagging behind the advanced states which have a dominant contribution to the services sector. Finally, since agriculture employs largely unorganized workers there is a growing divide between the unorganized and the organized sectors.
The growing disparity is also based on the post 1991 concentration of resources in the hands of the private coporate sector which is investing in the organized sector and mostly in the advanced states. Thus, agriculture is receiving hardly 2% of the investment and is lagging behind in productivity and wages. It is also not generating new jobs. In contrast, the corporate sector is investing but in capital intensive areas and is therefore shedding jobs in a kind of jobless growth. Thus, overall few jobs are being generated and this is resulting in rising under employment.
Growing problems of employment generation and rising disparities have led to increased political and social instabilities in India. There have been violent protests against land acquisition for projects and setting up of SEZs. Other agitations for reservations and affirmative action have often turned violent since the government is seen as non-responsive and pro-corporate sector. Growing corruption has added to a poor image of the government which is seen to be working against the interest of the poor and in favour of the rich and the corrupt.
To correct its image, government has been forced to go in for programmes for the support of the poor like, the rural employment generation, right to food, right to education, mid day meal scheme in schools, loan waiver for poor farmers and so on. Many of thee schemes coincided with the need for fiscal stimulus in 2007-09 period. They pumped purchasing power in the rural areas of India and prevented demand from rapidly going down. That is why India’s rate of growth fell much less than that of many other economies of the world. Further, since this demand is not import intensive, it did not leak out of the economy.
An aspect of the rise in disparities and the black economy is the dramatic rise in the savings rate from 2000-01 and a simultaneous rise in the direct tax GDP ratio. Both these are an indication of the rich having a much larger share of national income (Kumar, 2007). However, as Graph 1 shows, spurts in growth in the last twenty years have been short lived.
The lesson of the last twenty years is that internal demand in India has been very important. This is also likely to be the case for other developing countries.

IV.1.    Has Growth been for Real?
The rapid growth in some of the newly emerging market economies has been accompanied by large scale destruction of the environment and hence needs to be reassessed (Kumar, 2006). Economic growth should have the connotation of improving social welfare but the environmental destruction and associated pollution and climate change are leading to vast negative consequences and especially for the marginalized sections who are the least able to cope with these changes. With climate change cropping patterns get disturbed and lead to adverse consequences for agriculture where a bulk of the poor are concentrated. It is resulting in unstable prices of food which impact the poor the most.
New chemicals are leading to new diseases and illnesses for which solutions do not exist and these are affecting the poor the most since they are the most vulnerable. They are doing most of the hazardous jobs like, spraying pesticides in the fields or recycling hazardous waste (computer components, ships, plastic or lead acid waste). The increased expenditure on health is sending families down the income ladder into poverty in spite of apparently increased incomes. Thus, such growth is not improving social welfare
Similarly, growth is often based on destruction of assets created in the past. Factories, roads and airports are coming up where often productive agricultural fields existed. Thus, new investment needs to be adjusted for the destruction of past assets and net investments becomes less than the investment figures shown. Similarly, new output from such investment needs to be adjusted for the old output that would not be produced. In other words, more of the past assets that are destroyed the less is the true growth of the economy. Thus, increased growth needs to be adjusted by providing for much larger depreciation.
In India, the effect of such adjustment can shave off up to 25% from the output and growth rate. In this sense, in much of the developing world, growth in this sense is partly spurious. Current growth is at the expense of the future growth as the environment deteriorates and health is adversely affected.

V.        CONCLUSION
The global economic problems starting in 2007 are continuing but for a brief period of respite in 2010. This paper points out that these are the result of the global imbalance in demand in the last thirty years with a divide between savers and consumers. This situation could continue for so long due to the dollarization of the world economy and the wealth effect due to rise in the asset prices driven by finance capital.
The problem was getting aggravated by the growing disparities within countries and across groups of countries due to the strategy of `growth at any cost’ based on marketization and growing consumerism amongst the well off sections. Globally, this was sustained by a shift in power towards capital and away from labour. This itself was a result of big changes in the former Soviet Union and China since the Seventies.
Today, the world is facing the specter of a double dip recession with all major economies slowing down. This is impacting all the economies including China and India. How can the impact of this brewing crisis be minimized? The lesson that India offers from the period 2007-2010 is that government needs to intervene strongly in favour of the poor and the marginalized sections. This would generate local demand which would not leak out and would reduce inequity. Other developing countries also need to increase local demand and reduce inequalities. Clearly, the choice of sectors for increasing growth has to be based on those sectors that have less linkages with external sector and low possibility of leakage of demand. In other words, globalization has to take a back seat to local needs. In this context, real wages have to be allowed to go up even thought that will affect exports.
It must be understood that markets do not have a solution to the current global problem since they cannot improve distribution. Further, given the global crisis, lack of coordination amongst governments and a conservative mood in most advanced countries, individual governments have little control on the situation. The developing world cannot try to be the market to enable the advanced countries to come out of the crisis since they will themselves go down. Thus, there is little choice for the developing world but to be more inward looking and protect its marginalized sections. Today, government intervention has become the key to stable growth in the developing world.

References:

  • Kalecki, M. 1971. `Selected Essays on the Dynamics of Capitalist Economy’. Cambridge: CUP.
  • Krugman. P. 2009. `Double dip warning’. The New York Times. December 1.
  • Kumar, A. 1999. `The Black Economy in India’. N Delhi: Penguin (India)
  • ---------. 2001. `The Macro View’. Chapter in the `Alternative Economic Survey 2000-2001’. New Delhi: Rainbow Publishers Limited, Lokayan and Azadi Bachao Andolan. Pp. 20-27.
  • -----------. 2006. `The Flawed Macro Statistics: Overestimated Growth and Underestimated Inflation’. Chapter in the Alternative Economic Survey Group (Ed.) `Alternative Economic Survey, India 2005-06: Disempowering Masses’. Pp. 29-44. N Delhi: Daanish Books.
  • -----------. 2007. `Macro Overview’. Chapter in the Alternative Economic Survey Group (Ed.) 2007. `Alternative Economic Survey, India 2006-07: Pampering Corporates, Pauperizing Masses’. Pp. 37 – 46. N Delhi: Daanish Books.
  • -----------. 2009. `Global Financial Crisis and Government Intervention: Surplus Generation, Gearing Ratio, Asymmetry of Financial Multiplier and Other Considerations’. Accountancy Business and the Public Interest. Vol. 8, No. 1. February 3, 2009. http://visar.csustan.edu/aaba/aabajourVol8-No1.html.
  • RBI. Various Years. `Handbook of Statistics’.

Saturday, September 10, 2011

European Rich Wish to Pay more Taxes; What about the Indian Rich

European Rich Wish to Pay more Taxes; What about the Indian Rich
Arun Kumar
CESP, SSS, JNU
Published in The Hindu, September 7, 2011.

Startling news, the rich in many European nations have asked their governments to tax them more. This follows the call by Warren Buffet in the US that the rich should pay more taxes. The motive is self interest - to save their economies from sliding further, going into a double dip recession and preventing the kind of youth violence witnessed in many countries in Europe. The recession looming on the horizon (if we are not already in it) will be more difficult to deal with since this time the cause is political rather than financial, as the case was with the global recession that started in late 2007.
In 2007-08 the experts and the analysts were `behind the curve’ and in a state of denial about the start of the recession. The IMF did not acknowledge the recession till late 2008; almost a year after it had started. Mr. Ben Bernanke, heading the Federal Reserve of the US only admitted problems in February 2008 when the first stimulus of $ 160 billion was announced. The US Treasury secretary did not admit of basic problems in the financial sector even in July 2008 when Freddie Mac and Fannie Mae faced imminent collapse.
By the time Lehaman Brothers collapsed and AIG was on the verge of collapse in September 2008, things had gone out of control. The situation could not be salvaged even with the announcement by the US government of a bail out package of $750 billion. $ 350 billion was pumped into AIG alone to keep it afloat.
Globally, an unprecedented amount of liquidity was released by the Central banks. In normal times that would have led to hyper inflation but in 2008, there was a fear of deflation. The problem had originated with the sub-prime crisis in the housing mortgage market and that spread like a contagion to all financial institutions due to the inter-locked balance sheets.
There was a crisis of trust. The financial system had got linked to the shadow banking which was highly leveraged and unstable. It meant that even a small decline in the prices of the assets of a company led to a big fall in profits and valuation. With the accounting practice of `marked to market’, these losses came on to the balance sheet and the company was in danger of losing its entire capital. Thus, as the stock markets and other markets collapsed, most financial sector companies lost their capital and with that their viability. The governments had to step in and bail out these companies.
In the financial markets where borrowing and lending is the name of the game, with trust evaporating, since it was not clear which company would go under next, none could be trusted and lending ceased. Entities that were considered to be `too big to fail’ were failing one by one – Bear Stern, Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae, Lehman Brothers, AIG, Citibank and so on. No amount of liquidity was enough to revive the financial markets until the situation stabilized with the stoppage of the practice of `marked to market’. There was fraud with the major financial entities not telling the entire truth to their customers about the product they were selling them. The US government has just launched investigations into this fraud.
Globally, governments boosted demand following the Keynesian device of creating deficits. The US budget deficit went from 3% of GDP to 12%. The same happened in India. China provided a $600 billion boost to infrastructure. Japan and much of Europe went in for budget deficits to boost the demand in their economies. Nonetheless, unemployment rose sharply everywhere. In the US, it reached the level of 9.6%. In India, exports which were growing at 35% stated plummeting at 35% leading to large scale unemployment in labour intensive sectors like, textiles, gems and jewelry and leather goods. Many industries and services like, transportation, finance and real estate went into a tail spin.
ILO estimated that 60 million jobs were lost in spite of the attempts by various governments to boost their economies. The workers and the poor bore the brunt. Not that the dollar billionaires did not lose as their wealth declined sharply but they had the cushion of their hundreds of millions and billions of assets still in tact.
The reason for the anemic recovery was that the stimulus was no where as big as was needed to boost employment and revive the economies strongly. So, when the big economies started climbing out of the recession in early 2010, employment hardly rose in the major economies.
Politics entered the picture globally soon thereafter. The conservatives started pushing the neo-classical paradigm of tax cuts for the rich and balancing the budget. The anemic recovery was used as an excuse to argue that the Keynesian prescription of boosting the economy does not work. The implication of the conservative’s  programme of  cutting the taxes on the rich leads to a decline in tax revenue so that the deficit tends to grow but since the budget has to be balanced, expenditures have to be curtailed - the opposite of what the economy needs. In Britain, the new Conservative government cut back the budget and reduced public sector employment by half a million.
In the USA, after the Democrat’s big losses in 2010 elections, Obama could not push his expenditure programme and had to come to a compromise with the Republicans. In the beginning of August 2011, the US government almost came to a grinding halt due to the logjam between the two political forces and this panicked the markets.
Euro zone had its own problems of coordination amongst its many disparate constituents. One after the other, Greece, Ireland and Portugal teetered under debt and had to be bailed out by others but on condition that they implement austerity packages. This led to revolt by workers and youth facing unemployment. The possibility of default meant that they had to borrow at higher cost and that worsened their debt situation. When the contagion spread to Spain and Italy matters have become difficult for the Euro zone because it is hardly feasible to bail out these economies. The possibility of sovereign default has increased and that has added to the difficulties of the financial entities that have leant to these nations.
The World economy faces a deep crisis for political reasons – that which is needed is not palatable to the conservatives who have once again got a grip over power in major economies of the world. India is no exception to this conservative mood with the government talking about balancing the budget in stages.
The rich, starting with Buffet have realized that in their own self interest, they have to accept higher taxes so that the governments can boost demand. In the pessimistic scenario now prevailing across the globe, the private sector on its own is unlikely to boost its investment. The citizens sensing trouble ahead are saving more for the rainy day so that consumption demand remains weak. Globally exports growth is weakening. Thus, the only source of boosting demand strongly can be government expenditures.
In France, Mr. Levy, the chief of Publicis and the president of the French association of private enterprises supported Buffet’s idea. 16 of the wealthiest French have signed a petition urging their government to tax them more. A group of 50 wealthy Germans have backed this petition. In Italy, the chief of Ferrari has weighed in with support.
The Indian well off avoid paying taxes both legally and illegally. They manipulate to get themselves huge tax concessions and then make even bigger sums as black incomes. The more property one owns the more tax concessions one obtains. For instance, income from dividend on ownership of shares in companies is exempt. Thus, if a Managing director of a big company gets Rs.30 crore of salary and bonuses, etc., but gets Rs.1000 crore as dividend, the tax liability is only Rs.10 crore, that is, a tax rate of 1% of the total income. No wonder less than 3% of the citizens file income tax returns and India has one of the lowest ratio of direct tax to GDP in the world.
Today, the corporates in the country (less than 0.1% of the population) control 20% of the national income, much more than what the 50% dependent on agriculture make. The legal exemptions they enjoy, called `tax expenditures’, amount to over Rs.5 lakh crores (See, Receipts Budget). Add to this the black incomes these corporates generate annually and their incomes turn out to be astronomical. The corporates pay an average tax of 23% of their legally declared taxable incomes whereas they should be paying about 33%. So, the Indian rich need not ask for a tax rate increase but only to allow the government to eliminate `tax expenditures’ and to voluntarily stop generating black incomes, to more than double tax collections which could give a big boost to the slowing Indian economy. 
arunkumar1000@hotmail.com



Tuesday, August 23, 2011

Direct and Indirect Benefits of Tackling the Black Economy

Direct and Indirect Benefits of Tackling the Black Economy
Arun Kumar
CESP, SSS, JNU
The Hindu, August 20, 2011.

Anna Hazare’s indefinite fast for the acceptance of the Jan Lok Pal Bill, his arrest from home and the widespread mass protest in urban India has shaken the government. Political parties have woken up to the depth of feeling in the country against corruption. Two things have come together - fight for the Jan Lokpal Bill and the violation of civil rights of the citizens to protest. The protest snowballing in the country is seen as against corruption. Obviously, the public are fed up with the day to day harassment they face. To put it in perspective, it is important to understand the benefits to society of tackling the huge black economy in the country.
Some argue that the black economy also generates jobs and production. For instance, they argue that a lot of goods are bought in the market from the black incomes and that leads to increase in production and employment. They argue that the black economy generates informal sector employment and helps the poor. Some go to the extent of arguing that India escaped the worst effects of the global recession in 2008 and the economy only slowed down because of the large amount of black money floating around which generated additional demand. Some justify bribes as speed money that enables work to be done faster. There is some truth in all this and yet, it can be shown that the ill effects of the black economy far outweigh its beneficial effects.
Think of bribe as speed money. To extract a bribe, the bureaucracy first slows down work and harasses the public. If work was automatically done, why would any one bribe. Thus, the system has to be made inefficient so that those who can afford to pay can get their work done quickly but the rest continue to suffer. Administration becomes run down since rather than devising ways of working efficiently, it is busy thinking of ways of making money by setting up roadblocks to efficient functioning. This has spawned a culture of `middle men’ and personal approach to officers. Things hardly happen in the routine manner and without personal appearance. The middleman is needed by the corrupt to insulate themselves from direct public contact lest someone reports them.  The bribe giver also not knowing how much to bribe and how to contact the administrator in-charge finds it convenient.
Much of the black economy in India is like `digging holes and filling them’. That is, one digs a hole during the day and then another fills it up at night, the next day, there is zero output but two salaries are paid. This is `activity without productivity’. An example is of poorly made roads that get washed away or become pot holed with every rain and need repeated repairs. Thus, instead of new roads coming up much of the budget is spent on maintenance. Teachers may not teach properly in class so that students have to take tuition. Families not only have to pay extra, the students find learning insipid and lose interest and this effects their creativity and the future.
Consider how millions of litigants, their families/friends and lawyers arrive daily in the courts and in most cases the hearing lasts a few minutes and the next date, months away, is announced and they go back home. Not only justice is delayed inordinately, consider the time lost and expense incurred in lawyers fees, travel and in taking leave from work and so on. This goes on since cases that could be resolved in a few months go on for years multiplying the costs. The expense of delayed justice is both direct and indirect. Delay is often a result of the impact of the black economy. Honest people who lose hope start resorting to other means which dents the notion of social justice and weakens society. This cost cannot be calculated in monetary terms but is significant.
Because of the growing black economy, policies fail both at macro and micro levels. Planning or monetary policy or fiscal policies do not achieve the desired results due to the existence of a substantial black economy. Targets for education, health, drinking water and so on are not achieved because `expenditures do not mean outcomes’. The economy does not lack the resources but it faces resource shortage. Much investment goes into wasteful/ unproductive channels, like, holding gold or real estate or abroad through flight of capital. This lowers the employment potential and the level of output in the economy. Capital sent abroad does not generate output in India but does so where it goes. A country that is considered capital short has been exporting capital. A nation that gives concessions to MNCs to bring in capital loses more capital than it gets and that too at a high cost from FIIs or as FDI. Our policies are open to the dictates of international capital because our businessmen and politicians have taken capital out in large doses since independence. Costs are huge.
The direct and indirect costs are of policy failures, unproductive investments, slower development, higher inequity, environmental destruction and lower rate of growth of the economy than it could potentially have been. According to this author’s estimates, we could have been growing faster by about 5% since the Seventies if we did not have the black economy. Consequently, we could have been a $8 trillion economy and the second largest in the world. The per capita income could have been seven times larger so that we would have been a middle income country and not one of the poorest. A huge cost.
The black economy also leads to `the usual becomes the unusual and the unusual the usual’. That which should happen does not and that which should not keeps happening. We should get 220 volts electricity but we mostly get 170 volts or 270 volts and equipment burns out so all expensive gadgets need voltage stabilizers resulting in higher capital costs and maintenance costs rise. Water in taps should be potable but it is of uneven quality because the pipes are not properly laid and sewage seeps in. Thus, we carry water bottles, use purifiers and boil water at great extra cost. Even then, we fall ill since how much can we escape the problem. 70% of all disease in India is related to water so that we spend extra on hospitalization and treatment and then there is the associated loss of productivity; the poor are particularly the victims of this.
Hospitalization can be traumatic because of the large scale callousness there. Public hospitals there crowded and doctors over worked. Due to unhygienic conditions, patients can get secondary infection or the attendants can fall sick. In private hospitals the patient is not sure whether unnecessary tests are being done and whether the consultants coming to see them at all needed. Even after all this, cure is not assured because the drugs maybe spurious or the IV fluid contaminated and so on. The poor suffer from the presence of large number of quacks in the market who give injections or steroids or overdose of antibiotics. It is the strength of the human constitution that in spite of these adversities, many get cured.
The result of all this is that costs everywhere are higher than they need be raising the rate of inflation. If capital is over invoiced by businesses to make money the cost of setting up industry is higher. If poor quality grain is sold in PDS, the price is higher. If tuition is needed for children because of poor teaching, the family’s cost is higher and so on.
At the social level, the cost is a loss of faith in society and its functioning. Hence many are now atomized seeking individual solutions and discount societal processes. At the political level there is fragmentation with states demanding their own package because the belief that the nation as a whole can deliver has been dented. The demand for smallerer states is a corollary because the bigger states neglect the less vocal regions. Each caste, community and region now wants to have its own party to represent its narrow interest leading to the proliferation of smaller parties. Can the cost of this fragmentation and loss of the national spirit be calculated?
New movements for a strong Lokpal, Right to education, to food and to information are likely to recreate a common national ethos that is so necessary and which may generate the political will to tackle the hugely expensive black economy – the fight for one is the fight for the other also.

Monday, August 1, 2011

The dangers of redefining democracy

The dangers of redefining democracy
Arun Kumar
CESP, SSS, JNU.
The Hindu, July 29, 2011

We have creatively redefined national interest, representation, democracy and corruption to the benefit of vested interests.
If bribe-giving is legalised, some have suggested, the vexed problem of corruption facing the government would be less severe. Some powerful voices from within and outside the government have even argued for this. The argument is in line with the theoretical case that corruption and smuggling improve economic efficiency. Such redefining of words is not an isolated activity today.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh indulged in it at a recent meeting with newspaper editors. On the Lokpal bill, he said he personally favoured the Prime Minister coming under its purview but added that his Cabinet colleagues were against it — prevarication at its best.
Dr. Singh has acted decisively on issues close to his heart like the India-U.S. civil nuclear deal, which he pushed through in spite of the threat to his government and disquiet among many. Clearly, for him, the Prime Minister coming within the Lokpal's purview is not of much importance. It is consistent with his view that corruption is not as endemic as is being made out by the media and the Opposition, and that it is largely their creation. He also pleaded for moderating the campaign against corruption on the plea that it is spoiling our international image.
His argument that decision-makers act ex-ante, in uncertainty and without full information, must be music to the ears of wrong-doers. He clarified that in hindsight, one can be wiser about the mistakes committed. The sub-text is that inappropriate decisions are not deliberate, but genuine errors of judgment — an alibi for corrupt elements.
As a general proposition, the argument can hardly be faulted. But is it also true in specific cases? In the 2G spectrum allocation case, the CBI, under the Supreme Court's directions, has unearthed blatant wrongdoing. Giving a very short notice to file bids and, that too, a few hours, for instance. Without advance knowledge, a bid could not have been filed. Why did some of the licences go to those who had no experience in the field? None of this had anything to do with uncertainty.
Dr. Singh also argued that he could not be expected to look into details pertaining to each Ministry and that he was not an expert on all matters. But he has a string of agencies and experts at his beck and call. Why was their advice not sought? Especially, when the wrongdoings pertaining to the 2G case were immediately pointed to in 2008? The implication is that the system failed. Is someone accountable for the failure? In the Commonwealth Games scam, there was blatant loot in contracts and purchase of exercise machines and toilet paper rolls. None of this had anything to do with uncertainty or ex-ante nature of decisions or lack of expertise. Has the Prime Minister shifted ground — from his ‘coalition compulsions' argument to giving technical explanations for his silence and inaction?
If Dr. Singh's line of argument is to be accepted, from now on, no one need take responsibility or be accountable as mistakes can be said to be unintended or due to a lack of expertise. Further, one ought not refer to widespread wrongdoing lest it spoil the international image. The Prime Minister, a clever academic, has distorted the meaning of words such as “accountability” and “corruption.”
Changing the meaning of words like “accountability” will damage the system. Rule of law, social justice, good governance and building a civilised society depend on it. Similarly, when terms like “democracy,” “people's representation” and “justice” lose much of their content, democratic institutions decline. Thus the nation needs an institution like Lokpal to bring about accountability.
The government has decided to aggressively stall a stricter Lokpal bill. To be fair, arguments for leaving the Prime Minister and the higher judiciary out of the Lokpal's purview have been advanced by other respected persons too. Their argument is that the inclusion of the Prime Minster and the judiciary will undermine their independent functioning and prevent them from taking tough decisions for fear of being incorrect and inviting challenges. Logically, then, they should not come under scrutiny even after they demit office because even that could deter them from taking decisions. In other words, no accountability should be demanded of the Prime Minister.
Further, it is argued that in a democracy, the Prime Minister is accountable to Parliament. So, any wrongdoing by him would automatically be checked by the Opposition (enforcing accountability). It is also stated that the Lokpal, an agency external to the parliamentary system, will undermine Parliament. It is also feared that frivolous charges could be brought against the Prime Minister, given the nature of fractious politics. Every time a charge is levelled, there would be a demand for the Prime Minister's resignation and she/he would be immobilised.
All this begs the question: why is there a strong demand for bringing the Prime Minister within the Lokpal's purview? Why has Parliament failed to make the Prime Minister accountable? In the last 40 years, many Prime Ministers have been suspected of wrongdoing. Same is the case with many Chief Ministers, Ministers, Chief Justices and the higher judiciary. The existing institutional structure has patently failed to make these high functionaries accountable.
Further, due to corruption, justice is either miscarried or delayed (barring a few high-profile cases). There is a widespread feeling of lack of social justice. The political leadership and the top judiciary are seen to have failed the people in spite of the checks and balances a democracy is supposed to provide. Their credibility has been eroded, leading to the demand that they be made accountable in newer ways — outside the present democratic framework.
In brief, ‘democracy' is being given as the reason for not bringing the nation's highest functionaries within the Lokpal's ambit. The counter-argument is: because ‘democracy' has been twisted out of shape, there is a need for newer ways to re-energise it by, say, an independent Lokpal. Of course, it goes without saying that even the Lokpal may eventually get subverted since there can neither be a magic wand nor a perfect law to deal with social problems.
It is also argued that NGOs and civil society groups are not people's representatives — at best, they represent small groups. The legislators, on the other hand, are people's representatives. This view also emerged in the all-party meeting on the Lokpal bill. While formally this is true, the reality is that ‘representation' has lost much of its meaning. Does anyone represent people's interests today? Members of civil society groups and NGOs who have stood for elections have mostly lost. So the politicians are right in saying they represent only small groups. But this is not the whole truth.
The way the government initially caved in to the demands of civil society groups suggests that it panicked because these groups captured the popular sentiment of that section — the middle class — which has provided the government its legitimacy. The media, by playing up the issue, aggravated matters.
The government's flip-flop on the issue in the last few months ought to clarify whose interest it serves — citizens, the elite or vested interests. While workers' movements (big and small) have been routinely ignored by the government or dealt with a heavy hand, it responded to the middle class protests. With a scam a week surfacing in the last few years, the illusion of the middle class that the government represents its interests stood shattered, which is why the government initially reacted the way it did. As soon as it devised ways of confusing the middle class, it backtracked.
Revelations in the phone hacking investigations in the U.K. have brought out the nexus among the power elite and the erosion of accountability in the mother of democracy. In India, we are way ahead and have creatively redefined national interest, representation, democracy and corruption to the benefit of the vested interests.

 arunkumar1000@hotmail.com


Thursday, July 21, 2011

Political Will Missing

Political Will Missing
Arun Kumar
CESP, SSS, JNU
The Tribune, 19 July, 2011

The government’s intention of tackling either the problem of black economy or bringing back money stashed abroad is suspect. The money stashed abroad by the corrupt businessmen, politicians and others could be a staggering few trillion dollars. If retrieved, it could transform the country. The public has understood this and is agitated about it.
It is hard to estimate the sums lying abroad since there are 77 tax havens where the corrupt keep their money. While Switzerland is the best known and possibly the biggest of them, it is very likely that a lot of money from there has been moved to other tax havens of more recent origin due to the pressure being brought on it by the advanced nations.
If the figure of $ 1.4 trillion dollars in Swiss accounts is correct, then the total in all tax havens would certainly be a multiple of that. However, this figure is not to be found in the source (Swiss Banker’s Association report) that is often quoted. Further, much of the money is kept in false names (benami) or via shell companies so that the real owner is hard to trace. Finally, if one is in danger of being caught one can turn into an NRI to escape the clutches.
In November last, the Global Financial Integrity Report estimated that India has lost $462 billion dollars since Independence due to illicit flows.
First, this figure is a gross under-estimate since it leaves out many of the forms of drain of savings from the economy like hawala. Secondly, it is the “opportunity cost” to the economy and not the actual sum lying abroad. It includes the interest income that potentially would have been earned on the savings but that may not be the case since these sums may have been partly consumed or moved to other forms of investments. Thus, one can only guess how much Indian savings are lying abroad in banks.

Bofors got buried
Can these savings be identified and brought back? Take the case of Bofors where illegal payments were moved through shell companies. Such money is moved through six layers so that the actual beneficiary cannot be traced unless one of the intermediaries is caught and the beans are spilled. The trail disappeared after the second layer.
In the Bofors case if Mr. Win Chaddha or Mr. Quattrochi had squealed, the final beneficiaries could have been traced. But due to the involvement of the top leadership, roadblocks to investigations were put up. For instance, Union Cabinet Minister Solanki chose to resign rather than reveal on whose behalf he had passed on a chit to the Swiss minister to stall the case.
The government conveniently claims that it does not have specific information pertaining to individuals. It also pleads that foreign governments ask for such information to reveal the details of bank accounts of individuals. The governments of tax havens depend on such opacity to carry on with their highly profitable business of being bankers of illicit funds.
Some of the advanced countries have tax havens in their jurisdiction like Britain has Jersey Island. Further, some of the biggest global banks provide conduits for the “high net worth individuals’ to transfer their illicit funds via their subsidiaries in tax havens whose task is it to facilitate these movements.
Three factors prevent the cleaning up of this corrupt global financial system. First, the clout of the rich countries hosting tax havens. Secondly, the clout of the financial system which can threaten to move funds out of a country that goes against its interest. And lastly, the reluctance of the leaders of governments (especially the developing world) who use these banks for siphoning out their illegal funds abroad.
The impasse can be broken if the problem is turned on its head. The black savings taken abroad are generated in India from the black economy which is now 50 per cent of the GDP (at current levels Rs.38 lakh crore generated per annum). Of this, a part is consumed (say, 50 per cent) and possibly 10 per cent (about Rs.3.8 lakh crore) is siphoned abroad. It is this sum that has been accumulating abroad. A part of this is being round-tripped back to India through the Mauritius route and foreign institutional investors (FIIs) and as FDI in the last 15 years. The facility of round-tripping was deliberately provided by the government (like an amnesty scheme) and has encouraged more black income generation in the country.
Be that as it may, most of the black savings are circulating in the country and not abroad. The former must be five times more than the latter. Not that we should not try to recover the wealth lying abroad, but why not tap the illegal wealth lying in India itself? In a sense, while the issue of black wealth held abroad is emotive, it is also a diversionary one – focussing attention away from the main issue.
If black income generation is tackled in the country, then its outflow will decline. Further, if those generating black incomes are caught in India, they could be forced to reveal what they hold abroad. Even if they have been clever and the government is not able to lay its hand on full information, it would have caught the bulk of the money escaping national development.
Further, it would be easier to pressurize Indian nationals to get information than forcing sovereign governments to yield information they are reluctant to reveal. It could obviate the need to investigate abroad or frame complicated new laws.

Govt not clueless
Is the government totally clueless about black income generation in the country? Not so. Intelligence agencies have a lot of information through their sources and by tapping phones. If lobbyist Niira Radia’s tapes are anything to go by, there is a lot of information there.
But, presently, the information is not acted upon since the entire elite class will get implicated and the system could collapse if the full facts come out. In brief, information exists in the system but it is treated as private information used for blackmail and not used as public information to clean up the system.
The apex court is then correct in distrusting the government’s intentions with regard to tackling the black economy. For instance, the Hasan Ali and Liechtenstein disc cases started in 2007 but little was done until the public pressure mounted in 2010.
In the US, prosecutions in the Madoff case ($50 billion) or the Rajaratnam case were completed within a few months. In contrast, in the Satyam case against Raju, the courts are yet to act. The Indian courts have often taken the prosecuting agencies to task for spoiling the cases, but with little effect. The courts are also partly responsible for the situation. Not only are corruption cases coming up against the judiciary, justice is delayed, emboldening the wrong doers.
The creation of one SIT by the Supreme Court will not solve the problem of black economy or bring back the black savings held abroad but it could increase deterrence. The composition of the SIT is such that it could force the intelligence agencies to use the data lying with them to act against black income generators.
Most of the ruling elite could be implicated if the black economy is effectively tackled. The problem is then one of generating political will to act but courts cannot help in that.

arunkumar1000@hotmail.com



Saturday, June 25, 2011

Why fears of a foreign hand are real

Why fears of a foreign hand are real
Arun Kumar
CESP/SSS, JNU, N Delhi 110067
The Hindu on June 22, 2012.

Mr. Pranab Mukherji is likely to be India’s next President. It seemed to be touch and go till the tide turned in his favour. Those in the know suggest that the corporates swung it for him not because he is one of the most seasoned Indian politicians but because they wanted him out of the Ministry of Finance. He has acted tough on retrospective taxation and GAAR – the measures in his recent budget to tackle black income generation. But, apparently the real pressure was from foreign shores and the Indian corporates who are now MNCs are sensitive to that. So is our political leadership. Britain and Netherlands exerted strong pressure on the Vodaphone case. How much of our politics is being determined by such pressures?
Other recent cases of pressures are Mrs. Clinton’s visit to India to influence government’s policies on trade with Iran and on FDI in retail, the S&P downgrade of India, the Aircel Maxis deal. There are also less visible cases of pressures as in recent defense purchases (British were upset), energy sector investments (Oil, gas and nuclear), opening of markets and so on. These are impacting Indian politics, especially at the top because of a lack of coherence there.
The Bofors scam has had a continuing impact on politics at the top since 1987. The recent interview by the then Swedish chief police investigator, Mr. Lindstorm, has again brought the issue to the fore. That Mr. Quattrochi, an Italian businessman based in India and a close friend of the Gandhi family, was one of the recipients of kickbacks has been underlined. His role in swinging the Bofors deal at the last minute was known. It is not in doubt that pay offs were made or that the Bofors guns have proved their mettle. But the latter cannot justify the former. The only unsettled issue is who got the money.
That Mr. Quattrochi had powerful friends was confirmed when he was allowed to escape the country during the Congress rule. The case was apparently deliberately spoilt by the investigative agencies, including the CBI and, therefore, lost in the Courts – in Malaysia, Britain and Argentina. The red corner notice against him `could not be executed’ since our police agencies could not `find’ him even though journalists could interview him.
Evidence points to a high level cover up. Mr. MS Solanki, the then External Affairs Minister sacrificed his Cabinet berth rather than reveal what he wrote in the paper he passed on to the Swiss counterpart at a meeting. At that point of time, the Swiss bank accounts were being investigated by the Indian agencies to trace the Bofors pay-off trail. Could such a sacrifice of a political career be for an ordinary leader.
Who took the money even if not Rajiv Gandhi and why did the investigative agencies spoil the case? Investigations are essential to clear the air about these questions. A former Minister in the PMO mentioned to this author in an interview on the black economy that when he went with the Bofors file to the then PM, he was told to close the file since there could be threat to his life. No wonder, none of the non-Congress PMs changed the course of investigations to bring it on track and none of the Congress PMs have wanted the truth to come out.
Kick-backs have been common globally in dealings with MNCs. Sweden is one of the least corrupt countries in the world but its corporations have bribed to get contracts as the Bofors case points to. The US based MNCs have resorted to bribes in spite of it being illegal as per the US law. Recently, Walmart has admitted to having bribed its way through in Mexico. When the top management learnt of it, rather than exposing corruption, the internal probe was closed. The same Walmart has been trying to enter India. Mrs. Clinton’s agenda included `persuading’ India. The only CM she visited was Ms. Bannerjee, the important UPA partner opposing FDI in retail. It is reminiscent of Mr. Kissinger and the Secretaries of Energy and Defence flying to India to lobby for Enron in the mid-1990s. Enron admitted to spending $60 million in India, to `educate’ policy makers. Wikileaks exposed how extensively the US government keeps track of goings on in India so as to effect policies.
It is not just a few MNCs that indulge in corruption or use their governments to apply pressure on policies. MNC banks are known to help Indians take their capital out of India. UBS bank, the largest Swiss bank was fined $750 million by the US for helping its citizens to keep secret bank accounts. This same UBS bank was allowed entry into India in spite of its known role; was it a reward for helping some powerful people?
Executives of Siemens, a supposedly honest MNC and an important player in India, were  indicted in the US in December 2011 for bribery in Argentina. Investigations revealed that $1.4 billion of illegal payments were made between 2001 and 2007 in Bangladesh, China, Russia, Venezuela and so on. These were often routed via consultants. The company paid fines and fees of $1.6 billion to the US and German governments for the bribes it paid across the globe.
Siemens started bribing soon after the end of World War II to get contracts under the Marshall Plan which were mostly going to the Americans. Since its prosecution, Siemens claims that it has appointed Compliance Officers to check bribery. But, with the prevalence of a high degree of illegality internationally, can one company be honest while others are not? How would it win contracts when those in-charge expect to be bribed? Since non-transparent processes are set up, at every step, decisions need to be influenced as has been shown in the Bofors case or the 2G spectrum allocation.
The Vodafone case is important for revenue since MNCs (Indian and foreign) have used tax havens and tax planning to avoid paying taxes in India. They create a web of holdings to hide the identity of the real owners of a company are or who it is being transferred to. In 1985, in the Mcdowell case, the SC bench observed, “Colourable devices cannot be part of tax planning and it is wrong to encourage or entertain the belief that it is honourable to avoid the payment of tax by resorting to dubious methods”. This judgment was over turned in 2003 in the Azadi Bachao case filed against the use of the Mauritius route to avoid paying tax in India. The government had opposed the petition. Vodafone has taken advantage of this judgment to successfully argue against having to pay capital gains tax in India on transfer of a company in a tax haven which owned the Indian assets. Mr. Mukherji was trying to recover lost ground.
Indian policies have been subject to foreign pressures since the days of the cold war in the 1950s. But until the mid 1980s the decisions were accepted as being in the `long term national interest’. There were accusations in the procurement of the Jaguar aircraft also but these did not create the furor that the Bofors scam did. Since the late 1980s, as in the case of Bofors or the New Economic Policies in 1991 or the Indo-US nuclear deal, sectional or individual interests have become dominant. These have played havoc with national politics. Pressures and counter pressures are mounted through political parties and their leaders and big business.
Some Congressmen feel that they cannot spare Pranabda since he is crucial to the functioning of their party and the government. So, Mr. Mukherji becoming the President may be a destabilizing event. The lesson is that foreign pressures tend to damage the political processes which national politics cannot undo. The public is left bewildered by the goings on, as in the present case of selection of the presidential candidate.